Tuesday, August 23, 2016

The Ark Encounter's Difficult Relationship with the Miraculous

Ark Encounter- Wikimedia (Jameywiki)
In addition to scenic bus tours, a restaurant, and the Ararat Ridge Zoo, the central attraction of the  the Ark Encounter theme park in Williamstown, Kentucky, is a massive model ship in which stretches 510 feet long, 85 feet wide, and 51 feet high.  The builders of this ark, the apologetics ministry Answers in Genesis (AiG), led by founder, CEO, and creationism proponent Ken Ham, hope that the exhibit will further the ministry's goal of:
...enabling Christians to defend their faith and to proclaim the gospel of Jesus Christ effectively. We focus particularly on providing answers to questions surrounding the book of Genesis, as it is the most-attacked book of the Bible.(Link)
A recent article by Carmine Grimaldi published on the website of the Atlantic (The Obsession with Biblical Literalism) explores the difficulties of the approach to scripture which underlies the project. Grimaldi emphasizes the fact that the builders provide information lacking in the Bible, filling in gaps.  The Ark Encounter engages its visitors with a great deal of additional non-biblical details, such as the names and personalities of the women, and hobbies and games to pass the time during the long stay on board the ark. Grimaldi writes, "For self-proclaimed literalists, the ark includes a striking amount of fabrications and fictionalizations."

Sure. But both Jews and Christians have a long history of developing traditional names and information about people and incidents in the Bible. Filling in the gaps is a necessary interpretive move in any context, but especially when details are sparse. The account of Noah, typical of many biblical narratives, is not concerned with providing details such as the name of the women, or the quality of the living quarters aboard the ark. 
AiG- Caring for Animals on the Ark
AiG- Caring for Animals on the Ark

What I find more compelling in Grimaldi's article is the effort AiG puts into emphasizing the feasibility of the flood narrative. On its website, AiG offers schematics, analyses of food and waste management (gutters, methane vents, sloped cage floors, etc.) as well as suggestions for piping and fresh water tanks. A commitment to young earth creationism creates further problems, as the dinosaurs must be accounted for as well. "In Genesis 6:19–20, the Bible says that two of every sort of land vertebrate (seven of the “clean” animals) were brought by God to the Ark. Therefore, dinosaurs, (land vertebrates) were represented on the Ark." AiG asserts that this challenge is overcome by careful reading.  The Bible says that two of every "kind" of animal was on the ark. In the case of a cat, for example, that does not mean two jaguars, two lions, two short-haired domestics, etc.  Rather, a single pair of cats, perhaps "similar to proilurus, an extinct cat of Asia and Europe" could have been on the ark and given rise to the many dozens of feline species we now know.  The same could be said for the dinosaurs (approximately 55 "kinds") and every other creature. (Link
AiG- Reimagining Ark Animals

This emphasis on feasibility is also used to present the biblical account of the flood as superior to those found in other ancient traditions.  Grimaldi writes that "visitors can watch animated simulations of ships from other diluvial myths being tossed in rough water. They all sink, often to the sound of terrified screams."  The PBS program NOVA seems to be interested in this game as well, as they recently aired an episode called "Secrets of Noah's Ark."  It more properly should have been called the "Secret of Atrahasis' Ark," since it featured the rebuilding of the boat as described in the Sumerian flood narrative.  Yet the NOVA experiment was essentially the same, wondering if the tablet was "nothing more than a fanciful myth? Or could such a reed boat have carried Atra-Hasis’ family of more than one hundred and his many animals?"

This emphasis on feasibility reminds me of an earlier tradition in biblical reception, which was founded on an Enlightenment-era rejection of the miraculous. The a priori rejection of anything that might violate the laws of nature, which were rapidly being refined and understood, led to mental gymnastics to explain how the events recorded in the Bible could be historically accurate, yet not miraculous. Red algae blooms in the Nile and severe wind storms help to explain the early chapters of Exodus, while people inspired by Jesus' teaching to share their bread and fish with others explains the gospels' miraculous feedings. (William Lane Craig provides an excellent overview of "The Problem of Miracles.")

AiG certainly affirms the reality of miracles, and explicitly links the belief in the accounts of Genesis 1-11 to the resurrection of Jesus. "The Bible—the “history book of the universe”—provides a reliable, eye-witness account of the beginning of all things, and can be trusted to tell the truth in all areas it touches on."  To reject Noah's ark puts one on a "slippery slide" to rejecting the gospel message. So instead of arguing for the miraculous, as many apologetic endeavors do, AiG is here emphasizing its absence. Grimaldi's quotes "the ship’s engineer" as calling the reliance on miraculous explanations as "a bit of a disease...[God] doesn’t do miracles willy-nilly.”

I agree with Grimaldi's conclusion that biblical literalism is hampered by the necessary filling of textual gaps, but I think AiG's greater challenge is being in the position of hypothesizing difficult scientific solutions for the non-miraculous in order to defend the existence of the miraculous.  
  

Isaac M. Alderman
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Thursday, August 11, 2016

Acts of the Apostles Online Commentary (35)



This is the thirty-fifth entry in the Bible Junkies Online Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles. In this entry James, brother of John, and Peter face the wrath of the authorities.

For previous entries, please now go to the Complete Acts of the Apostle Commentary, where you can find links to each of the entries updated after each new blog post.




3. Contents:
E) Preparation for the Gentile Mission: the Conversions of Paul and Cornelius (9:1-12:25): John, son of Zebedee, is killed and Peter is arrested (12:1-11):


1About that time King Herod laid violent hands upon some who belonged to the church. He had James, the brother of John, killed with the sword. After he saw that it pleased the Jews, he proceeded to arrest Peter also. (This was during the festival of Unleavened Bread.) When he had seized him, he put him in prison and handed him over to four squads of soldiers to guard him, intending to bring him out to the people after the Passover. While Peter was kept in prison, the church prayed fervently to God for him.
The very night before Herod was going to bring him out, Peter, bound with two chains, was sleeping between two soldiers, while guards in front of the door were keeping watch over the prison. Suddenly an angel of the Lord appeared and a light shone in the cell. He tapped Peter on the side and woke him, saying, “Get up quickly.” And the chains fell off his wrists. The angel said to him, “Fasten your belt and put on your sandals.” He did so. Then he said to him, “Wrap your cloak around you and follow me.” Peter went out and followed him; he did not realize that what was happening with the angel’s help was real; he thought he was seeing a vision. 10 After they had passed the first and the second guard, they came before the iron gate leading into the city. It opened for them of its own accord, and they went outside and walked along a lane, when suddenly the angel left him. 11 Then Peter came to himself and said, “Now I am sure that the Lord has sent his angel and rescued me from the hands of Herod and from all that the Jewish people were expecting.” (NRSV)

Most scholars divide this section into two parts, 12:1-17 and 12:18-23, with 12:24-25 transition and summary verses. I am dividing the section somewhat differently for the purposes of the online commentary, primarily to create two sections of even length, but also because I do think that  there is a natural break that occurs after Peter’s miraculous escape from prison. The next entry will bring us to the end of chapter 12 and the end of section E) Preparation for the Gentile Mission: the Conversions of Paul and Cornelius (9:1-12:25) of this commentary. In fact, if length of commentary was not a concern, the whole section coheres as one unit. For Richard Pervo “the two stories {1-17 and 18-23} share a principal character: ‘King Herod.’ These observations invite the critic to view the entire unit as an integrated whole. Acts 12:1-23 is, in fact, a well-crafted novella containing different forms drawn from several sources. Questions of source, form, editing, and historical tradition are not insignificant, but they ought not detract from recognition of the overall literary achievement. The complexity of the tradition indicates the presence of an authorial hand” (Pervo, Acts, 301).

While Luke’s authorial hand is present, it is difficult to determine the number of sources which Luke is drawing on. Fitzmyer just posits a Palestinian source (Fitzmyer, Acts, 486), but Pervo sees separate traditions behind vv. 1-2 and the two episodes regarding Peter (vv. 7-10 and 12-17), with Pervo treating 12:12-17 as a Lucan composition (Pervo, Acts, 301). Whether the account with Rhoda and Peter is Luke’s composition, the miraculous escape narrative plays into broader Lucan themes in Acts.

Peter’s escape from prison is one of “three prison-escape stories in Acts (5:17-26; 16:19-40),” all of which “occur at important points in the narrative and appear, in retrospect, to presage important changes” (Pervo, Acts, 301). Pervo notes that after the first escape in Acts 5 comes the account of the Hellenists; the escape in Acts 16 comes after the Apostolic Council and highlights “the beginning of Paul’s labors in the Aegean region” (Pervo, Acts, 301); while Peter’s escape that we are examining here marks the end of the centrality of his mission in Acts. “The liberation stories are, in a general sense, associated with breakthroughs of the message” (Pervo, Acts, 301). This is an important insight regarding Luke’s purposes in Acts.

Pervo believes that one possibility for a source for the escape narrative is the ancient Jewish historian Artapanus, whose work is found in Eusebius, Praep. Ev. 9.27.23-25 in fragmentary form; in Artapanus’ text Pharaoh imprisons Moses, just as Peter is imprisoned by Agrippa. At night, the prison door opens automatically for Moses and the prison guards “either die or sleep” as Moses exits the prison. Moses then goes from the prison to the palace where he wakes the Pharaoh and tells him the name of God, which leads the Pharaoh to faint, but not die. Moses revives the Pharaoh, an outcome happier than that which will end Acts 12 (Pervo, Acts, 301).

Our passage opens with “King Herod” laying “violent hands upon some who belonged to the church” (Acts 12:1).  As Gary Gilbert says, “only Acts refers to Agrippa by the name ‘Herod,’ possibly to build continuity with Herod Antipas, who was involved in the deaths of John the Baptist (Lk 3:18-20; 9:7-9) and Jesus (Lk 13:31; 23:6-12; Acts 4:27), and with his grandfather, Herod the Great (37-4BCE) (Lk 1:5; 3:1). In Jewish tradition, Agrippa is remembered as a fair, generous, and religiously observant Jewish ruler (Ant. 19.330)” (Gilbert, JANT, 222). That Luke wants to draw these connections is the likely case since the peace of 9:31 has been “shattered” (Pervo, Acts, 302). Agrippa becomes a “folkloristic wicked tyrant, “who even though he was not known as “Herod,” becomes as “type” of bad King Herod (Pervo, Acts, 302-3).


Agrippa I was the son of Berenice I and Aristobulus IV and brother of Herodias (Mark 6:15-28) and grandson of Herod the Great and Mariamne, who was born in 10 BC and reigned from 37 AD until his death in 44 AD (Fitzmyer, Acts, 486; see Josephus, Antiquities, 18. 250-256; 19.6.1-4, 292-316 for an overview of his whole reign, which Gilbert noted above).

Agrippa is a persecutor in this case as “he had James, the brother of John, killed with the sword” (Acts 12:2). The account is puzzling in that no motive is offered for this action (Fitzmyer, Acts, 487), but it does end a “short period of tranquility” (Johnson, Acts, 210). Both Pervo and Joseph Fitzmyer also see James’ death as pointing to the “end of the apostolic age,”  leading to James, the brother of the Lord, to succeed Peter in charge of the church in Jerusalem (Pervo, Acts, 302; Fitzmyer, Acts, 485). For Fitzmyer, the death of James, son of Zebedee, “explains the transition from Peter’s importance in the Jerusalem community to that of James {brother of the Lord}, who eventually takes over for him as the chief authority in that community” (Fitzmyer, Acts, 485).

Fitzmyer also finds it remarkable that the apostles do not try and reconstitute the twelve after James’ death as they did after Judas’s death (Fitzmyer, Acts, 486). He writes, “Nor is there in the history of the church any continuation of the titles ‘apostle’ or ‘the Twelve.’ Bishops are said to be successors to the apostles, but they do not bear either of those two titles” (Fitzmyer, Acts, 486). I think it is easy enough to understand why the title “the Twelve” came to an end and it is probably linked to the same reason “apostle” stops being used at some point in the early church. Judas is the outlier for Luke, I think, because of how he left his position and so filling his position as an apostle and one of the Twelve is essential to reconstitute the original Twelve, but it serves no purpose beyond that since we never hear of Mattathias again. For the other apostles, who die faithful to Jesus, there is no reason to replace them among the Twelve.

Agrippa finds that killing James “pleased the Jews,” so “he proceeded to arrest Peter also. (This was during the festival of Unleavened Bread)” (Acts 12:3). It is clear that Agrippa’s intention is to kill Peter, since James’ death was so well received, but he waits because of the festival, which draws an intended parallel to Jesus’ arrest, trial, and crucifixion (Pervo, Acts, 303).

Why does James’ death please the Jews? Luke Timothy Johnson speculates that a clue might rest with the means of death, beheading, which is fit for an apostate (as outlined in Mishnah Sanhedrin 9.1, 10.4 {inhabitants of an apostate city have no share in the world to come}, and Deut. 13:15 {a call for the extermination of idol worshippers}).  Since Agrippa I supports the Pharisees (Josephus, Antiquities, 19. 292-316), Johnson argues, this death is a means to satisfy their demands (Johnson, Acts, 211). This seems a bit of a stretch on both the apostasy claim – in what way are the early disciples of Jesus apostates? – and the direct connection of the Pharisees to the Mishnah.

More likely is Gilbert’s explanation that “Jews as a whole, not just individuals such as the high priest or groups such as the Sadducees, frequently appear in Acts as persecutors of Christians (13:45; 14:2, 19; 17:5; 18:12; 20:3; 21:27; 22:30; 23:12; 24:9; 25:2, 7; 26:2, 21)” (Gilbert, JANT, 222). This is a great number of passages and “since the death of Stephen, it has been assumed that ‘the Jews’ hated followers of Jesus - and the ruler decided to continue his course” (Pervo, Acts, 303). All of the Jews, naturally, did not desire the death of all of the Christians, but Luke has presented this “split,” as Pervo says, starting with Stephen in Acts 6.
Peter was arrested, therefore, and Agrippa “put him in prison and handed him over to four squads of soldiers to guard him, intending to bring him out to the people after the Passover” (Acts 12:4). The number of soldiers has the result of telling us that escape is impossible!  Gilbert defines “squad, Gk ‘stratiōtos,’ a small group of soldiers probably consisting of about ten men; the number (forty or so, altogether) emphasizes the impossibility of escape (as do the chains, v. 6)” (Gilbert, JANT, 222; on the four squads see also Philo, In Flaccum, 13.111).

Surrounded by soldiers in prison, “the church prayed fervently to God for him” (Acts 12:5). Petitionary prayer is a significant Lucan theme (Fitzmyer, Acts, 487) and “the community’s prayer compensates for Peter’s powerlessness and prepares for his miraculous escape” (Johnson, Acts, 211). Not only was Peter surrounded by soldiers, but he was also on the “night before Herod was going to bring him out… bound with two chains…sleeping between two soldiers, while guards in front of the door were keeping watch over the prison” (Acts 12:6). Seneca (Epistle 5.7) also knows of this method of chaining a prisoner to two guards, which indicates a desire to keep a prisoner from even the thought of escape (Fitzmyer, Acts, 488). “Security is especially tight” (Pervo, Acts, 303), which is intended to make Peter’s escape all the more miraculous (Johnson, Acts, 211). This extra precaution was due to Agrippa’s desire to “bring him out,” which probably means Peter was going to have a public trial of some sort, unlike James but like Jesus (Fitzmyer, Acts, 487).

The implausibility of an escape is established, but “suddenly an angel of the Lord appeared and a light shone in the cell. As Pervo says, “no ruler has ever been able to design an angel-proof jail” (Pervo, Acts, 303). The angel tapped Peter on the side and woke him, saying, ‘Get up quickly.’ And the chains fell off his wrists” (Acts 12:7). Johnson notes that the verb patassō, translated in the NRSV as “tapped,” is odd because it usually means “smite” (Exod 2:12; Ps 3:7; see more biblical passages at Johnson, Acts, 212). It seems that the angel has a job waking up Peter!

Even more remarkable is that even though the angel had to “tap” Peter, who is chained to two guards, and that “the light shone” no one else woke up. This might be intended to indicate God keeping the guards from seeing, just as at Paul’s own revelatory experience only he had the full divine knowledge. In this case, no one else experiences any of the revelation of the angel.

As Pervo states, “Readers know what to expect: the angel will escort Peter out of prison and give him instructions” (Pervo, Acts, 304) and indeed “the angel said to him, ‘Fasten your belt and put on your sandals.’ He did so. Then he said to him, ‘Wrap your cloak around you and follow me.’ (Acts 12:8).  Pervo finds this “a maddening dialogue…as the angel supervises every detail of Peter’s toilet (v.8). Worried readers will not understand why these niceties cannot wait. When his wardrobe finally meets the standards of this celestial valet, Peter is told to follow…the human characters are puppets maneuvered from on high” (Pervo, Acts, 304). This is surely the issue, though, that God is directing events and keeping Peter alive (and soon to end Agrippa’s life). Even more the physicality of the instructions is intended to tell the reader: this is not a dream! Peter is getting dressed with real clothes, a belt and sandals.  

In Acts 12:9 Peter, having done what he was told, “went out and followed him; he did not realize that what was happening with the angel’s help was real; he thought he was seeing a vision.”  Peter might wonder if he is having a dream, but the reader knows better. So, after Peter and the angel “had passed the first and the second guard, they came before the iron gate leading into the city. It opened for them of its own accord, and they went outside and walked along a lane, when suddenly the angel left him” (Acts 12:10). There are accounts of gates opening of their own accord in other ancient literature, including Ovid, Metamorphoses, 3.699-700 (“of their own accord the doors opened wide”) (Fitzmyer, Acts, 488), but what is odd about this story is that the angel suddenly leaves him without further direction or telling him the next step of the plan, which “is not a common feature of escape stories or any other kind of legend” (Pervo, Acts, 305).

At this point, “Peter came to himself and said, ‘Now I am sure that the Lord has sent his angel and rescued me from the hands of Herod and from all that the Jewish people were expecting’” (Acts 12:11).  It is only when the angel leaves that Peter comes to his senses and realizes that God has helped him escape. Peter is rescued from Agrippa, indeed, but what were the Jewish people expecting? A public trial? His death, however it would be carried out? According to Richard Dillon, “all that the Jewish people were expecting” is a statement which, “carrying the author’s assessment of the miracle, documents the further development of the process that began at the stoning of Stephen: the defection of ‘the people’ who once welcomed the apostolic ministry (2:47; 5:13) into unbelieving Jewry and, therewith, ‘the true Israel’s’ outreach to the Gentiles” (Dillon, NJBC, 747-48). As Pervo said, cited above, each of these escape narratives carries with it a transition to a new stage in the development of the Gospel mission. God is on Peter’s side, but, according to Luke, the people no longer are on the side of the disciples.

Next entry, Peter finds his fellow believers and Agrippa I dies.

John W. Martens

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This entry is cross-posted at America Magazine - The Good Word



Wednesday, July 27, 2016

Acts of the Apostles Online Commentary (34)



This is the thirty-fourth entry in the Bible Junkies Online Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles. In this entry the narrative turns to the origin and development of the Church at Antioch.

For previous entries, please now go to the Complete Acts of the Apostle Commentary, where you can find links to each of the entries updated after each new blog post.




3. Contents:
E) Preparation for the Gentile Mission: the Conversions of Paul and Cornelius (9:1-12:25): The Church in Antioch (11:19-30):


19 Now those who were scattered because of the persecution that took place over Stephen traveled as far as Phoenicia, Cyprus, and Antioch, and they spoke the word to no one except Jews. 20 But among them were some men of Cyprus and Cyrene who, on coming to Antioch, spoke to the Hellenists also, proclaiming the Lord Jesus. 21 The hand of the Lord was with them, and a great number became believers and turned to the Lord. 22 News of this came to the ears of the church in Jerusalem, and they sent Barnabas to Antioch. 23 When he came and saw the grace of God, he rejoiced, and he exhorted them all to remain faithful to the Lord with steadfast devotion; 24 for he was a good man, full of the Holy Spirit and of faith. And a great many people were brought to the Lord. 25 Then Barnabas went to Tarsus to look for Saul, 26 and when he had found him, he brought him to Antioch. So it was that for an entire year they met with the church and taught a great many people, and it was in Antioch that the disciples were first called “Christians.”
27 At that time prophets came down from Jerusalem to Antioch. 28 One of them named Agabus stood up and predicted by the Spirit that there would be a severe famine over all the world; and this took place during the reign of Claudius. 29 The disciples determined that according to their ability, each would send relief to the believers living in Judea; 30 this they did, sending it to the elders by Barnabas and Saul. (NRSV)

The opening verse of this section states that the disciples of Jesus began to spread throughout the Mediterranean world (Phoenicia, Cyprus, and Antioch) due to “the persecution that took place over Stephen,” but that the message of Jesus was spoken to “no one except Jews” (11:19). It is an important point for Luke to stress that the Gentile mission just described in Acts 10 with Peter and Cornelius is the beginning of the missionary outreach to Gentiles, by pointing out that the scattered missionary outreach of the persecuted Christians went only to diaspora Jews. That they would speak the message only to Jews seems odd, though, coming as it does on the heels of the message being brought by Peter to the Gentile Cornelius and his household, but it is also odd in the context of this passage.

Craig Keener notes that the material in 11:19-30 most likely reflects historical data that the Gentile mission “stemmed from many dispersed Hellenists (8:4) rather than his {Luke’s} heroes Peter or even Paul” (Keener, Acts: An Exegetical Commentary, Volume 2, 1831). Richard Pervo agrees that this section restarts a source broken off previously at 8:4 – “now those who were scattered went from place to place, proclaiming the word.”  (Pervo, Acts, 290).

The next verse tells us that those who were scattered and preaching included “men of Cyprus and Cyrene who, on coming to Antioch, spoke to the Hellenists also, proclaiming the Lord Jesus. The hand of the Lord was with them, and a great number became believers and turned to the Lord” (11:20-21). Elsewhere in Acts we learn that two leaders in the Antioch church are from Cyprus (Barnabas - 4:36; 13:1) and from Cyrene (Lucius - 13:1), but Luke needs to have Barnabas come from Jerusalem for his narrative, which he does in 11:22.  Pervo believes that Barnabas is a founder of the church in Antioch or the founder, but he (and Lucius) remain anonymous in 11:20 “because the narrator chose to have Barnabas sent from Jerusalem. The source probably assumed these persons sought gentile converts from the beginning” (Pervo, Acts, 290-91).

That the scattered disciples sought gentile converts initially seems most likely. In Acts 6, I argued that Hellenists were Greek-speaking Jews who followed Jesus. But it is a strange use of Hellenists here if that is the case, since people of Phoenicia, Cyprus, and Antioch, including Jews, would all have been Greek speakers. How would “Hellenists,” noted by name in 11:20, be different from any other Jews in Antioch? It is possible it means they were native Greek speakers, as opposed to Jews from Judea, but it seems more likely that Gentiles are intended here. T.E. Page’s note on this problem is that even though “Hellenists” (Greek-speaking Jews) is found here the preferred word ought to be “Hellēnas” (Greeks) (Page, Acts, 152-53).  He, like Keener and Pervo, think that the issue is Luke’s desire to have the Gentile mission start with Peter, not these other disciples, but says, “although the case of Cornelius was first in importance (as Luke clearly indicates by the position and length of his narrative) it is not necessary to assume that it was first in point of time” (Page, Acts, 153). This seems correct.

Richard Pervo goes farther, arguing that “few doubt that gentile converts are in view” in this section of Acts, but the passage does not explain the process in Antioch among the disciples of Jesus, “leaving readers to wonder why the policy changed in Antioch and how Saul accepted this momentous shift without objection. Nothing is said about Torah – whether male converts had to be circumcised and all had to observe kashrut. The historical Barnabas was a, if not the, founder of the Antiochene community, but he was not an official envoy from Jerusalem, nor is it likely that he hit upon the idea of recruiting Paul and made a personal journey to do so. What this account does is relieve Paul from responsibility for innovation” (Acts, 290).  Pervo might impute too much to this source, and to the attempt to relieve Paul “from responsibility for innovation,” since the accounts of Peter with Cornelius already have done that, but it would be nice to know how the church in Antioch came to their decision to accept Gentiles as disciples. This is, in fact, data that we can only glean in general from Paul’s own letters at this early stage in the church, but he never speaks specifically about the situation in Antioch.

Certainly, Luke sees God active in this mission since the phrase “hand of the Lord” (11:21) is found in the Septuagint (LXX) - 1 Sam 5:3, 6, 9; 2 Sam 3:12 - as Luke Timothy Johnson notes, and it is a phrase indicating “the presence of divine power that validates their testimony” (Johnson, Acts, 203). A more interesting question is who is meant by the “Lord” (kyrios) here in 11:21? Or in 11:23? 11:24? Pervo thinks the first refers to Jesus, the second to the Lord God, and that the third usage is uncertain, but it is a difficult question to resolve with certainty (as I think that the third instance in 11:24 might refer to Jesus) (Acts, 293). 

The way in which the missionary activity in Antioch receives support from the Jerusalem church is to have “news” filter up to Jerusalem and then have Barnabas sent to Antioch from Jerusalem, though many scholars, as noted above, believe he might indeed have been there from the start (11:22).  Barnabas, when he arrives, “saw the grace of God” and subsequently “he rejoiced, and he exhorted them all to remain faithful to the Lord with steadfast devotion” (11:23). One would expect apostles here, as in chapter 10 and earlier in chapter 11, to verify the work of the Holy Spirit, but Barnabas is their substitute. In 11:24, we are told “he was a good man, full of the Holy Spirit and of faith.” His qualifications are his faith and evidence of the Holy Spirit. His mission is a great success since “a great many people were brought to the Lord.”
It is at this point that “Barnabas went to Tarsus to look for Saul, and when he had found him, he brought him to Antioch.” (11:25-26). Saul had been sent back to his home town in 9:20, but is now brought back into the picture, once again by Barnabas (though Pervo believes that Saul too was probably already active in Antioch when Barnabas arrived or, more likely, with Barnabas already in Antioch). Saul will now be central to the development of the narrative in Acts. Joseph Fitzmyer dates all of these events around 44 CE (Fitzmyer, Acts, 477).

The two of them met with the church in Antioch for a whole year “and it was in Antioch that the disciples were first called ‘Christians’” (11:26). The success of the mission in Antioch must have been great for them to earn this “Greek word of Latin form and Semitic background” (Pervo, Acts, 295). This title seems to have been applied to them from outside of the disciples (Pervo, Acts, 295)[1] and is a means to distinguish them from other Jews, or perhaps from everyone else. The whole question of when we may begin to think about the “Christians” as separate from other Jews, even when the disciples of Jesus start to draw Gentiles into their communities, is a complicated one. The “parting of the ways” is by no means accomplished at this early point. The "Christians" represent a particular Jewish position regarding the identity of the Messiah and the entry of Gentiles into the Jewish community, but this does not mean they are no longer consider themselves or that others no longer consider them Jews. They are Jews who believe the Messiah has come among them and that the Messiah Jesus has shown the way for Gentiles to be invited into the messianic community.

The second unit of this section reflects prophets coming to Antioch from Jerusalem (11:27). The prophet Agabus “predicted by the Spirit that there would be a severe famine over all the world; and this took place during the reign of Claudius” (11:28).  Claudius reigned from 41-54 CE, so this certainly fits in this general time frame.  Johnson says that “there were widespread famines during the reign of Claudius, and there was a particularly severe one in roughly the same period in Palestine” (Johnson, Acts, 208). Though Luke has a “worldwide” famine it most likely indicates the Roman Empire, since Luke would know little of the world beyond that of the Roman Empire. Pervo suggests that “one possible source for the account of the famine relief is Josephus, Ant. 20.51-53, 101, which praises Queen Helena of Adiabene for her efforts to provide famine relief during the reign of Claudius” (Pervo, Acts, 295). On the other hand, it is possible that Agabus is giving an end of the world prophecy (famine which strikes the whole world), which would certainly fit with the apocalyptic tenor of the early church, but is impossible to determine from the limited data.

Whatever sort of famine Agabus predicted, the Antiochenes turn to help Jerusalem practically instead of themselves – an oddity which Pervo thinks is solved by tracing this narrative tradition to Paul’s collections from his Gentile churches for the Jerusalem church which we know of from his letters (Pervo, Acts, 290, 295). This is compelling, since the text itself says that the disciples in Antioch sent their relief “to the elders by Barnabas and Saul” (11:29-30). Pervo believes the story of the prophet Agabus comes from a separate “collection source” utilized here in this second unit (11:27-30) of 11:19-30 (Pervo, Acts, 295-8). Apart from here and in 21:10-11 Agabus is otherwise unattested in the NT, as is his personal name anywhere else (Pervo, Acts, 295). What we can say, though, is that both this second unit and the first indicate strong connections between Antioch and Jerusalem, in terms of people, prophetic inspiration, and charitable activity (Pervo, Acts, 295), even if some of the details have been shaped in light of Luke’s grander narrative schemes.


Next entry, James, brother of John, and Peter face the wrath of the authorities.

John W. Martens

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This entry is cross-posted at America Magazine - The Good Word





[1] Pervo, however, thinks that it did not emerge in Antioch in the 30s or 40s, but in the 90s, probably in Rome Acts, 295.